It started with a protest by farmers and union members on November 16, 2004. Threats of dispersal placed the workers in high alert after Secretary Patricia Sto. The law includes a Stock Distribution Option (SDO) which would allow landowners to distribute the stock shares of the land to the farmers, instead of actual land. 5-million class suit filed by relatives of the victims. The Truth about Hacienda Luisita and the Cojuangco-Aquino Family (in Simple English) The Cojuangco-Aquino family has been running The hacienda produced 126,129 tons of sugar in 1928 as well as allegedly receiving additional tons of sugar with current prices of Php 23,450. Paragas said he heard workers shout, Nagkasahan na (Rifles were cocked). Some disputes turned violent with the unfortunate loss of lives. Hacienda Luisita main road, from Barangay San Miguel, Tarlac to Balite, Lourdes, Central and Mapalacsiao, Tarlac City, Presidency of Ferdinand Marcos (1965-1986), Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP), Revocation of the Stock Distribution Option Agreement, "For Land and Justice: The Continuing Agrarian Struggle in Hacienda Luisita. Another major dispersal was at work, Paragas recalled, this time with the police reinforced by soldiers from the Northern Luzon Command (Nolcom) based at Camp Aquino which is just across the highway overlooking the hacienda. This was combined with political unrest in the country. The Corona court's unanimous, final and executory decision ruled that the 4,916-hectare Hacienda Luisita be distributed among some 6,000 farmer-beneficiaries. Emil Paragas, Karapatan Tarlac coordinator, was at the picket line outside Gate 1 to observe the strike. Katabi ko siya nang tamaan siya ng bala. The Karapatan fact-finding mission later found spent shells of M-14 and M-16 rifles. With a new production line, the refinery required a new system for more efficiency. The shooting killed seven union members and residents of Hacienda Luisita. In a press conference last Nov. 18, Ocampo related how Cojuangco brother of former President Aquino reacted to his request for dialogue. No further pleadings shall be entertained in this case. Two unions led the strike: the United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU, union of the plantation workers) and the Central Azucarera de Tarlac Labor Union (Catlu) of the milling workers. Thousands of farmers marched to Malacaang Palace on 22 January 1987. This prompted about 50 women strikers to also take the frontline to face the policewomen. Para lang kaming nanghuhuli ng daga (It was like we were catching mice), is how Sibayan described the incident. [1] In the scuffle, the workers confiscated five police shields. Threats of dispersal placed the workers in high alert after Secretary Patricia Sto. On 25 January 1945, General Douglas Macarthur set up his headquarters at Hacienda Luisista to fight Japanese forces in the Philippines. Thousands of other residents from 10 villages comprising the hacienda, ULWU leaders said in a statement on Nov. 13, would mass up at night at Gate 1 in anticipation of a violent dispersal. At the time, the anti-Marcos block portrayed this lawsuit as an attack on the Aquino family by the Marcoses, while the farmers viewed it as the government taking action to help them. However, in 2015 the peasants watchdog Luisita Watch issued a statement condemning the promises of Aquino as nothing but a sham. Apparently, the labor secretarys order also directed the Philippine National Police (PNP) and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to dismantle the barricades put up by the strikers and break up the strike. Their guards demolished their houses and barred them from accessing their pieces of land. Briefly discussed what happened in Hacienda Luisita Massacre. The hacienda spans 11 barangays in three towns of Tarlac province. [1] The CAT was supposed to be sold to the Lpez brothers, Eugenio and Fernando, but the purchase was vetoed by President Ramon Magsaysay due to the brothers owning multiple businesses such as MERALCO, ABS-CBN, Manila Chronicle, Negros Navigation, as well as a number of substantial agricultural holdings, which the president deemed to problematic because the brothers were becoming too powerful. The following year, the events which would spark the uprising among farm workers occurred which led to the massacre. In the scuffle, the workers confiscated five police shields. It mandated the total distribution of Hacienda Luisita to farmers, based on 1989 land valuations. HACIENDA LUISITA, Tarlac City - The violence that marred the strike of plantation and milling workers of the Cojuangco-owned Hacienda Luisita on Nov. 16 was bound to happen and government authorities may have to be held accountable for it. Jose Cojuangco Of note is that land reform was one of the issues her campaign focused on. The police were armed with truncheons and shields while the hacienda workers had their own truncheons made of pieces of wood, said Rene Tua, a sugar mill worker and adviser of the CAT labor union (or Catlu). The president should take this moniker seriously and push for reforms that will benefit these demographics, particularly as they have been ignored for so long. That has been the case in the Philippines, in particular, Hacienda Luisita. Tua said, Ayaw kaming kausapin. On 16 November 2004, ten days after the start of the said strike, police and soldiers were dispatched by then Labour Secretary Patricia Santo Toms, to storm and disperse the blockade. Proceeding that, a motion to reopen the case was filed by the families of the victims, however, it was declined by the Office of the Ombudsman on 2 October 2014. That the dispersal order was to be executed by all means was not remote, ULWU president Rene Galang said in an interview with Bulatlat during the early stage of the strike. This agreement was implemented on 11 May 1989. Soon after, eight . In 1986, after the ousting of the Marcos regime and the start of the administration of Corazon Cojuangco Aquino the property was listed to be among those redistributed in then-president Aquinos Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP). The courts sided with the government, but an appeal by the family delayed the process until 1988 when Cory Aquino was already president. That excuse does not satisfy when taking into account the fact that many of the wounded had gunshot wounds on their backs, seemingly collating the claim by activists that they were running away from the military when they got shot. Daily wage was at P194.50, and there was only one working day per week, due to the mechanizing of some tasks in the hacienda. The workers, Paragas said, were determined to maintain the picket line. The enforcers utilized tear gas, water cannons, guns, and military vehicles to disseminate the crowd. It was cited that the SDO had failed to improve the lives of the more than 5,000 farmer beneficiaries. The hacienda's farmers voted 92.9% in favor of the SDO with regards to the land reform act. [7], In 1957, Jos Cojuangco took control of CAT and the hacienda through Manufacturers Trust Company, New York. Policemen were at the frontline of the dispersal formation, he said. Despite the installation of Corazon Aquino as President of the Philippines, the hacienda was not being distributed. Tulakan lang (just pushing and shoving). They were David, Jhaivie Basilio, Jesus Laza, Jessie Valdez, Juancho Sanchez, Adriano Caballero Jr. and Jaime Pastidio. [21] The incorporators of HLI, which control 70% of the stock shares of the Hacienda, are Pedro Cojuangco, Josephine C. Reyes, Teresita C. Lopa, Jos Cojuangco Jr., and Mara Paz C. Teopaco all siblings of the late former President Corazn C. Aquino who, on the day she became President of the Philippines, bequeathed her shares to her children and non-profit organizations such as the Daughters of Charity for fear that it would be used as political propaganda. [42] The ruling also states that 3% of the earlier stock transfers that were paid to the farmers will be deducted from the 1.3 billion to be received. [28] In the months following the Hacienda Luisita massacre, eight more people who either supported or provided evidence to the farmers cause were found murdered, beginning with the assassination of peasant leader Marcelino Beltran just before he was to testify about the massacre. Hacienda Luisita main road, from Barangay San Miguel, Tarlac to Balite, Lourdes, Central and Mapalacsiao, Tarlac City. Paragas said he heard workers shout, Nagkasahan na (Rifles were cocked). 131654, Manila Regional Trial Court, Branch XLIII) sought the surrender of the hacienda to the Ministry of Agrarian Reform in order to properly distribute the land to the qualified farm workers. The influential Cojuangco family have stakes in farming, banking and their control of Hacienda Luisita was financed by a government loan in 1957. Tabacalera was a private enterprise Lpez founded with the sole intention of taking over the Philippine tobacco monopoly from the Spanish colonial government; the monopoly was abolished a year after Lpez acquired the estate. But they returned the shields after the police said they will be paying for them if they got lost, Tua said. Then, the shooting began. [16] However, the Supreme Court issued a temporary restraining order, stopping the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council from parceling out the land to the workers. [9][10], Martial Law was declared in the Philippines on 21 September 1972, and Aquino was among the first to be imprisoned for treason, murder, subversion and weapons possession. HACIENDA LUISITA, Tarlac City The violence that marred the strike of plantation and milling workers of the Cojuangco-owned Hacienda Luisita on Nov. 16 was bound to happen and government authorities may have to be held accountable for it. [38] On 24 April 2017, protesters consisting of the Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) and other militant organizations had gone to Hacienda Luisita to protest against the 348 hectare land that was turned over to Rizal Commercial Banking Corporation (RCBC) back on 25 November 2004 for a 431.7 million peso loan obligation. Dont hold back. The succeeding years would see the peasant-workers slide deeper into poverty, with deregulation and poor crop harvests pushing them into a worse state than they were before the Aquino era. Mariano said he even talked to Col. Romeo Reyes of Nolcom. The 10-year grace period that TADECO had to distribute the land elapsed, and farmers started pushing for their rights. Karapatan also said the soldiers used a 60-cal. . HLI appealed this decision, but in May 2006, the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council rejected with finality the motion of HLI to reconsider the revocation of the stock distribution agreement. This incident was later referred to as the Mendiola massacre, also called Black Thursday by some Filipino journalists. [4] Due to the high profits of sugar and tobacco in the Philippines, Lpez and his son, Claudio Lpez Bru, the second to hold the title, donated some of the profits to the Jesuits to create the Pontifical University of Comillas, a university outside Madrid. What happened in the Hacienda Luisita massacre? Two unions led the strike: the United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU, union of the plantation workers) and the Central Azucarera de Tarlac Labor Union (Catlu) of the milling workers. 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